Yesterday, October 9, 1967, marks the day that Latin-American Che Guevara
was assassinated in a CIA-backed coup. Many of you have heard of Che
Guevara, and if you haven’t you have at least seen his likeness on
posters, t-shirts, or on television. After reading this article, you
might find that Che Guevara has as much to do with the principles of
Pan-Africanism and revolutionary thought as any other figure that you
may have heard of.
Early Years
If one could identify the three reasons for Che Guevara becoming the man that he was, they would be
1. Knowledge: The Guevara home contained more than 3,000 books. His
favorite subjects in school
included philosophy, mathematics, engineering, political
science, sociology, history and archaeology. Years later in this declassified dossier,
the CIA noted Guevara’s intelligence and wide range of academic
interests, adding that “Che is fairly intellectual for a Latino.” Che
was fluent in both Spanish and French, and was literate in English.
2. Political Awareness: Growing up in a family with leftist leanings,
Guevara was introduced to a wide spectrum of political perspectives
even as a boy. His father would often hold discussion groups in the home
with veterans of the Spanish Civil War.
3. Empathy: Very early on in life young Che developed an “affinity for the poor”.
At the age of 20, Che began studies as a medical student
at the University of Buenos Aires. While completing his education, he
also fulfilled his wanderlust with two treks across South America on
motorcycle – travelling 4,500 and then 8,000 miles. This trek exposed
Che to a variety of working conditions, and the negative impact that
capitalism and white values had on the indigenous workers in places like
Peru, Ecuador, and Brazil. He was struck by the crushing poverty of the
remote rural areas, where peasant farmers worked small plots of land
owned by wealthy landlords, and by the political persecution of those
who dared to stand up against western democracy.
By the end of his trip, he came to view Latin America not as
collection of separate nations, but as a single entity requiring a
continent-wide liberation strategy (sound familiar?). His conception of
a border-less united Hispanic America sharing a common Latino heritage
was a theme that prominently recurred during his later revolutionary
activities.
Guevara would write about coming into ”close contact
with poverty, hunger and disease”, “inability to treat a child because
of lack of money” and “stupefaction provoked by the continual hunger and
punishment” that forces fathers to “accept the loss of a son as an
unimportant accident”.
These experiences showed Che that his true path lied not in
medicating and giving charity to the poor and exploited, but to leave
the realm of medicine, and consider the revolutionary political arena
of armed struggle.
Evolution of Revolution
“It is well established that guerrilla warfare constitutes one of the phases of war;
this phase can not, on its own, lead to victory.”
- Che
On his travels, Guevara was particularly appalled at the working
conditions endured at the United Fruit Company (the same company that
Marcus Garvey had worked for and revolted against as a young man). He
was encouraged by the efforts of the popular and democratically elected
Guatemala President Jacobo Árbenz Guzmán. Guzmán fought to liberate
Guatemala from the handful of Western corporations – including United
Fruit – that owned all the nations primary electrical utilities, the
nation’s only railroad, and the entire banana industry, which was
Guatemala’s chief agricultural export industry.
Guzman began with sweeping land reforms (even giving up a large
amount of his own land) that gave property to the poor and working class
of the country. He also began purchasing military arms from Communist
Czechoslovakia, prompting the CIA in the United States to quickly
organize a force to overthrow him.
With Guzman overthrown and banished to Mexico, right-wing dictator
Carlos Castillo Armas was installed and supporters of Guzman began
organizing into militias to take their country back from the west and
their puppet dictator. Guevara was one of thousands who picked up arms.
Guevara observed that “The last Latin American revolutionary
democracy failed as a result of the cold premeditated aggression carried
out by the U.S.A. Its visible head was the Secretary of State John
Foster Dulles, a man who, through a rare coincidence, was also a
stockholder and attorney for the United Fruit Company.”
This overthrow is an excellent example of how bad U.S.
interventionist policy actually produces more enemies for the country.
The overthrow of the Guzman regime cemented Guevara’s view of the United
States as an imperialist power that would oppose and attempt to destroy
any government that sought to improve socioeconomic inequality in
developing countries – and he was determined to fight back by any means
necessary.
In 1955, a Cuban exile introduced Che Guevara to Raul and Fidel Castro, leaders of the 26th of July Movement that aimed to overthrow the dictatorship of Fulgencio Batista - the U.S.-backed military leader of Cuba.
In Che’s mind, this was the fight that he had been waiting for. The
revolutionary alliance between Che and Fidel Castro would change the
world forever.
Less than one year later, a small group of 82 members of the rebel
movement landed in Cuba on board a leaky cabin cruiser with a plan to
wage a new type of guerrilla lightning war against Batista’s forces.
For two years, the starving, poorly armed, and highly outnumbered
rebels fought and won unbelievable victories against Batista’s
well-trained and well-funded military.
Using special tactics developed by Che himself, at times fewer than
200 men would fight against and defeat Batista’s army and police force,
which numbered between 30,000 and 40,000 in strength. Guevara had seen
the importance of radio communication during the overthrow of the Guzman
Administration in Guatemala, and so he created the secret Radio Rebelde (Rebel
Radio) in February 1958. Radio Rebelde broadcasted news to the Cuban
people with statements by the 26th of July movement, and
provided communications between the growing number of rebel groups in
Cuba.
Guevara proved to be a brilliant military leader, a ruthless tyrant,
and a humanitarian all at the same time. Guevara set up factories to
make grenades, built ovens to bake bread, taught new recruits about
tactics, and organized schools to teach illiterate soldiers and peasants
to read and write. At the same time, he was feared for his brutality
and ruthlessness – deserters would be chased down and executed without
mercy.
On January 1, 1959, Batista’s regime officially came to an end, and
Castro’s revolutionary government was installed. While Fidel Castro was
most concerned with land reform and cooperative farming, Guevara went
to war on illiteracy. Before the 1959 revolution, the official literacy
rate for Cuba was between 60–76%. Guevara dubbed 1961 the “year of
education”, and mobilized over 100,000 volunteers into “literacy
brigades”, who were then sent out into the countryside to build schools,
train new educators, and teach the illiterate peasants to read and
write. The campaign was “a remarkable success”, raising the national literacy rate to 96% by the program’s completion.
Guevara was also concerned with establishing universal access to
higher education. The with his encouragement, the Castro regime
introduced affirmative action to the universities. Che announced that
the days when education was “a privilege of the white middle class” had
ended. He went on to say ”The University must paint itself black,
mulatto, worker, and peasant.” If it did not, he warned, the people
would break down its doors “and paint the University the colors they
like.”
Che Guevara’s Pan-African Connection
Guevara was more than just a sympathizer to the cause of
Pan-Africanism and the Black struggle in America, he was an active
fighter. In 1964, he addressed the United Nations in general (and the
United States in particular) with scathing criticism:
“Those who kill their own children and discriminate daily against them because of the color of their skin; those who let the murderers of blacks remain free, protecting them, and furthermore punishing the black population because they demand their legitimate rights as free men—how can those who do this consider themselves guardians of freedom?”
Guevara believed Africa was imperialism’s weak link and therefore had enormous revolutionary potential.
The Congo had become a hotbed of political activity and was in the midst of what we now call The Congo Crisis (1960–1966) – the period of political turmoil that followed the overthrow and assassination of Patrice Lumumba. As an admirer of the late Lumumba, Guevara declared that his “murder should be a lesson for all of us”.
It was clear in his eyes that the people of Congo were ready for a revolution.
So in early 1965 accompanied by approximately 100 Afro-Cuban soldiers, Che traveled to the Congo to spark a revolution.
While this had all the makings of a successful campaign,
Che Guevara failed to take into account Congolese culture. In his book, The African Dream: The Diaries of the Revolutionary War in the Congo,
Guevara writes; ”the Congolese regarded carrying heavy loads as below
their dignity and would wander off, bored, when the Cubans tried to
stage ambushes. Superstitious, they relied on ”dawa,” magic potions
whipped up by witch doctors, for victory, emptying their magazines into
the sky with eyes shut tight.
Worse, he wrote, ”each of our fighters had glumly witnessed assault
troops melt away at the moment of combat and throw away precious weapons
in order to flee more quickly” . Laurent Kabila, the supposed head of
the revolt in Congo, rarely visited his troops on the front-line. While
Guevara shivered in torrential rain in filthy huts, doubled over with
dysentery and bitten by mosquito, he regularly received reports of
Kabila’s drunken binges on the other side of the continent.
Frustrated and disheartened, Che left the people of the Congo to
their fate. ”The human element failed. There is no will to fight. The
leaders are corrupt. In a word… there was nothing to do. ..we can’t
liberate by ourselves a country that does not want to fight.” he wrote
in his journal.
Assassination and Legacy
After years of travelling the world and fighting on revolution front
lines Che returned to South America in 1966 with the goal of once again
organizing a peasant rebellion. Unfortunately, his guerrilla force
never numbered more than 50 due to Che’s inability to develop successful
working relationships with local leaders in Bolivia.
On October 7, 1967, an informant apprised the Bolivian Special Forces
of the location of Guevara’s guerrilla encampment in the Yuro ravine. On
October 8, they encircled the area with 1,800 soldiers, and Guevara was
wounded and taken prisoner while leading a detachment. Che biographer Jon Lee Anderson reports
Bolivian Sergeant Bernardino Huanca’s account: that a twice-wounded
Guevara, his gun rendered useless, shouted, “Do not shoot! I am Che
Guevara and I am worth more to you alive than dead.”
Thanks to previously declassified CIA documents,
we now know that on October 9th, 1967, Ernesto “Che” Guevara was put to
death by Bolivian soldiers, trained, equipped and guided by U.S. Green
Beret and CIA operatives. His execution remains a historic and
controversial event; and thirty years later, the circumstances of his
guerrilla foray into Bolivia, his capture, killing, and burial are still
the subject of intense public interest and discussion around the world.
As part of the thirtieth anniversary of the death of Che Guevara, the
National Security Archive’s Cuba Documentation Project is posting a
selection of key CIA, State Department, and Pentagon documentation
relating to Guevara and his death. This electronic documents book is
compiled from declassified records obtained by the National Security
Archive, and by authors of two new books on Guevara: Jorge Castañeda’s
Compañero: The Life and Death of Che Guevara (Knopf), and Henry
Butterfield Ryan’s The Fall of Che Guevara (Oxford University Press).
The selected documents, presented in order of the events they depict,
provide only a partial picture of U.S. intelligence and military
assessments, reports and extensive operations to track and “destroy” Che
Guevara’s guerrillas in Bolivia; thousands of CIA and military records
on Guevara remain classified. But they do offer significant and valuable
information on the high-level U.S. interest in tracking his
revolutionary activities, and U.S. and Bolivian actions leading up to
his death.
Guevara wrote his own epitaph, stating “Wherever death may surprise
us, let it be welcome, provided that this our battle cry may have
reached some receptive ear and another hand may be extended to wield our
weapons.”
According to this Time Magazine article written in 1970,
“A few minutes before Guevara was executed, he was asked by a Bolivian
soldier if he was thinking about his own immortality. ‘No,’ he replied,
‘I’m thinking about the immortality of the revolution.’ When Sergeant
Terán entered the hut, Che Guevara then told his executioner, ‘I know
you’ve come to kill me. Shoot me you coward! You are only going to kill a
man!’
Che was right. Although his mortal remains were resigned to the
earth, his revolutionary spirit endures to this day. Every morning in
Cuba, school children begin the day by pledging ”We will be like Che.”
His image also adorns the $3 Cuban peso. In his homeland of Rosario,
Argentina, a 12-foot tall bronze statue of Che has been constructed.
Bolivian peasants have canonized Che Guevara as “Saint Ernesto” to whom
they pray for assistance. The monochrome graphic of Che’s face, created
in 1968 by Irish artist Jim Fitzpatrick, has become one of the world’s
most universally merchandised and objectified images in advertising
history.
Che Guevara was a rare man – a capable revolutionary, a superior
intellect, a dedicated fighter for his causes, and one of the heroes of
human history. I think it only appropriate to end this post with Che
Guevara’s last words to his children:
Rest in Peace, Che Guevara.
SOURCE / http://unitedblackamerica.com
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